Finished August 23, 2022
This out-of-print book is one of my most prized possessions. I got it because I realized that I fully understand Marxism, yet I opposed it. I knew I had to learn what Marx thought, what he proposed.
I did not want to read one of the many books about Marxism in which the author softens or modernizes parts of it, overlays modern interpretations, and ignores the historical outworking of Marx's ideas which have resulted in famine, terror, and death.
So I decided to read a book written by a conservative, the great economist Thomas Sowell, who used to be a Marxist. He, I thought, would have a clear understanding of Marx's work as a former devotee. He would also have a reality-based assessment of the workability of Marxist ideas. I was not interested in books written about Marxism that attempt to gloss over or "fix" his philosophy in light of the realities of history whenever and wherever Marx's ideas have been tried. These books tinker with his ideas in light of the horrifying failures of communism and socialism, both based on Marx's ideas, which have given us the bloodiest century in human history.
I'm so glad I read this particular book.
In typical Sowell style, the author backs up his assertions with verifiable sources, mostly from Marx's own books, Capital and The Communist Manifesto, but also from letters from Marx to Engels, and original documents from other great thinkers of their time. With 50 pages of footnotes, it is clear that it was important to the author to represent the true philosophy of Karl Marx in his book. As stated in the preface:
"Wherever possible, I have quoted the original words of Marx and Engels. But passage quoting is not enough. For Marxian writings that fill many volumes and span several decades of changing circumstances and evolving doctrines, context is crucial. Interpretation is a demanding responsibility that cannot be discharged merely by stringing quotes together. Much recent interpretive literature, especially in economics, inadvertently demonstrates that various interpretations of Marx cannot be supported by quotes from his writings. Even articles in learned journals and scholarly books have solemnly and extensively analyzed particular "Marxian" doctrines without a single citation of anything every written by Karl Marx. Often, this "Marxism" bears no relationship to the work of Marx or Engels."
A lot of this book is over my head, I'll admit. The mental gymnastics that those on the Left go through to rationalize their points of view are exhausting, complicated, and self-refuting. Marx was clearly intelligent, but the concepts he put forward -- and the rationale he used to justify them -- were based on theoretical ideas unproven in the real world, "dismissals of what he did not understand," and his own serious lack of character.
This is the realm of the intelligentsia; abstraction, inconsistency, and sophistry. One can hardly provide a counter-argument when one isn't clear about what the argument is. Handily, these lofty ideas, terms, and arguments can mean whatever the arguer wants them to mean, including the opposite of what they meant previously.
The most valuable part of the book was Chapter 9: Marx the Man. In it, we take an unflinching look at the life and character of Marx. This provides enormous context to his ideas. The connection between his own irresponsibility and chronic financial desperation and his view that the rich should just support the poor cannot be ignored. Despite his own distaste for adult work, his resentment of those who had acquired wealth, and his childish attacks on those who expected him to pay debts and rents, Marx weaponized envy to stir up the "working class" to rise against the evil capitalists who provided them with jobs.
There's more. Much more. So rich is this book in insight, that it should be required reading for all high school students:
"The Communist Manifesto, written by two bright and articulate young men without responsibility even for their own livelihoods -- much less for the social consequences of their vision -- has had a special appeal for successive generations of the same kinds of people. The offspring of privilege have dominated the leadership of Marxist movements from the days of Marx and Engels through Lenin, Mao, Castro, Ho Chi Minh, Chavez, Maduro, and Kim Jon Un. The sheer repetition of the "working class" theme of Marxism has drowned out this plain fact.
"But the crucial point is not privilege, but the insulation from responsibility that it provides, particularly during youth. Intellectuals enjoy a similar insulation from the consequences of being wrong, in a way that no businessman, military leader, engineer or even athletic coach can. Intellectuals and the young have remained historically the groups most susceptible to Marxism."
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